Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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		'rght' => '64',
		'hidden' => '0',
		'user_id' => '1',
		'usergroup_id' => '0',
		'thread_type_id' => '0',
		'asset_repositoty' => '0',
		'title' => 'Info',
		'abstract' => '',
		'note' => '',
		'created' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27',
		'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27'
	),
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		(int) 0 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
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		(int) 3 => array(
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			),
			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
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)
$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_26"><div>Info</div></div>'
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
$viewFile = '/home/httpd/vhosts/k3000.ch/transculturalmodernism.org/app/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp'
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			(int) 28 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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		),
		'Reference' => array(),
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$website_threads = array(
	(int) 0 => array(
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			'lft' => '54',
			'rght' => '115',
			'hidden' => '0',
			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '3',
			'thread_type_id' => '4',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Website',
			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-04-10 22:03:42',
			'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:42:55'
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)
$asset = array(
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		'abstract' => 'Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc 18 juin 1954. 

The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'title' => 'Charts',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:33:57',
			'modified' => '2012-03-05 22:11:19'
		),
		'children' => array(
			(int) 0 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			)
		)
	),
	(int) 4 => array(
		'Thread' => array(
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			'parent_id' => '7',
			'lft' => '97',
			'rght' => '112',
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '5',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Blog',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:11:40',
			'modified' => '2011-03-07 20:07:28'
		),
		'children' => array(
			(int) 0 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '4',
			'thread_type_id' => '0',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Logbook',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:28:10',
			'modified' => '2010-09-29 18:10:01'
		),
		'children' => array()
	)
)
$mapThreadId = (int) 39
$thesesThreadId = (int) 28
$pageThread = array(
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		'parent_id' => '7',
		'lft' => '55',
		'rght' => '64',
		'hidden' => '0',
		'user_id' => '1',
		'usergroup_id' => '0',
		'thread_type_id' => '0',
		'asset_repositoty' => '0',
		'title' => 'Info',
		'abstract' => '',
		'note' => '',
		'created' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27',
		'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27'
	),
	'children' => array(
		(int) 0 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
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		),
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		(int) 3 => array(
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	)
)
$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_26"><div>Info</div></div>'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
$viewFile = '/home/httpd/vhosts/k3000.ch/transculturalmodernism.org/app/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp'
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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				[maximum depth reached]
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			(int) 26 => array(
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			(int) 27 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			(int) 28 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			)
		),
		'Reference' => array(),
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			(int) 1 => array(
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		'ChartSpot' => array(
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$website_threads = array(
	(int) 0 => array(
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			'lft' => '54',
			'rght' => '115',
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '3',
			'thread_type_id' => '4',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Website',
			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-04-10 22:03:42',
			'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:42:55'
		),
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)
$asset = array(
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'created' => '2010-09-28 18:23:28',
			'modified' => '2010-09-29 15:34:27'
		),
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				[maximum depth reached]
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				[maximum depth reached]
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				[maximum depth reached]
			),
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			'title' => 'Theses',
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			'usergroup_id' => '0',
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			'usergroup_id' => '0',
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			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Blog',
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$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_27"><div>Archive</div></div>'
$act = null
$aclass = 'nav-page'
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
$viewFile = '/home/httpd/vhosts/k3000.ch/transculturalmodernism.org/app/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp'
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'Website',
			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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		),
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			'children' => array(
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		),
		(int) 2 => array(
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				[maximum depth reached]
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			'children' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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		),
		(int) 3 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			'children' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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		),
		(int) 4 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			'children' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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		),
		(int) 5 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
		)
	)
)
$subInset = '<div class="nav-page-empty"><div></div></div>'
$topPageThreads = array(
	(int) 0 => array(
		'Thread' => array(
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			'parent_id' => '7',
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '0',
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			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27',
			'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:19:27'
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		'children' => array(
			(int) 0 => array(
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			(int) 1 => array(
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		'Thread' => array(
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			'rght' => '78',
			'hidden' => '0',
			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '0',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Archive',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-28 18:23:28',
			'modified' => '2010-09-29 15:34:27'
		),
		'children' => array(
			(int) 0 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			(int) 1 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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			(int) 2 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			(int) 3 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			(int) 4 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			(int) 5 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			)
		)
	),
	(int) 2 => array(
		'Thread' => array(
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			'lft' => '79',
			'rght' => '92',
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '0',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Theses',
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			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-28 18:23:38',
			'modified' => '2011-09-18 20:11:23'
		),
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				[maximum depth reached]
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				[maximum depth reached]
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				[maximum depth reached]
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			(int) 4 => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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			(int) 5 => array(
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			'usergroup_id' => '0',
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			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Charts',
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			'note' => '',
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			'modified' => '2012-03-05 22:11:19'
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			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '5',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Blog',
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			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:11:40',
			'modified' => '2011-03-07 20:07:28'
		),
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		),
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		'user_id' => '1',
		'usergroup_id' => '0',
		'thread_type_id' => '0',
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		'title' => 'Archive',
		'abstract' => '',
		'note' => '',
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	),
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			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
		),
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				[maximum depth reached]
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			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
		),
		(int) 2 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
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		(int) 4 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
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			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
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)
$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_27"><div>Archive</div></div>'
$act = null
$aclass = 'nav-page'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
$viewFile = '/home/httpd/vhosts/k3000.ch/transculturalmodernism.org/app/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp'
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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				[maximum depth reached]
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				[maximum depth reached]
			),
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				[maximum depth reached]
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		),
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$website_threads = array(
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			'lft' => '54',
			'rght' => '115',
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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '3',
			'thread_type_id' => '4',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Website',
			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-04-10 22:03:42',
			'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:42:55'
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
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			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
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			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
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			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
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			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'abstract' => 'Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc 18 juin 1954. 

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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'abstract' => 'Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc 18 juin 1954. 

The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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The administrators of the French Protectorate invested in new housing programmes in an attempt to counter the growth of the“bidonvilles” and, after the Second World War, to create consumer societies in the colonies.',
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 „Casablanca, 18 juin 1954. Inspection du quartier des Carrières Centrales par le Résident Général Francis Lacoste, Casablanca, Maroc“   Jacques Belin, 1954 



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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'Service de l’Urbanisme',
			'lead' => 'The city planning office of the French protectorate in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '“The notion of the 'Habitat for the greatest number' without unit, implies an original way of thinking. Numbers are replaced by facts.” (Georges Candilis, 1960)',
			'text' => 'The large-scale housing projects in the outskirts of Casablanca had been developed for local migrants who came from rural areas. In Morocco the Service de l’Urbanisme of Michel Écochard which co-operated with ethnologists, geographers and sociologists, was asked for a response to the improvised construction by the rural population, of hut settlements – so-called Bidonvilles – at the outskirts of cities like Casablanca and Rabat. The strategies of the Service de l’Urbanisme in Morocco directed by Michel Ecochard varied from the re-ordering of the slum settlements (restructuration) to temporary re-housing (relogement), and finally to the creation of new housing estates (habitations à loyer moderé) based on a standard grid. The architects assumed that new architectural designs would foster an evolution of new – modern – lifestyles and saw their architecture as the catalyst of an individual as well as a collective process of modernization. The new housing complexes – the Ain Chok, Carrières Centrales, El Hank, and Sidi Othman, among others – were divided into developments for Muslims, Jews, and Europeans. The estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the Zone Sanitaire. It had been created by the protectorate and was bordered by circular roads and a motorway. The Carrières Centrales developments were built next to one of the largest bidonvilles settlements to house growing numbers of rural immigrants in Casablanca. The Cité Horizontale was tested as a series of low-rise patio houses, while the Cité Verticale was tested as a series of high-rise patio houses. The idea behind this field study was to create homes for workers and local employees who worked for the protectorate. However, the rent was so high for most of the people living in the bidonvilles that few could afford a flat that was “built for them.”(MvO)



Sources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.',
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			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			'children' => array([maximum depth reached])
		),
		(int) 2 => array(
			'Thread' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			),
			'children' => array(
				[maximum depth reached]
			)
		)
	)
)
$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_31"><div>Blog</div></div>'
$act = null
$aclass = 'nav-page'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107