Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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Code Context
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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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$aclass = 'nav-page'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'title' => 'Bricks-Bamboo-corrugated Sheet Iron',
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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
In the process, the reference to so-called “natural materials” seems to link up to the naturalization of modes of building and living. The notion that a European modernity would distance itself from non-industrialized building forms and materials is countered with ‘primitivizing’ romanticizing. “A hut in Cameroon has more aesthetic integrity than most pre-fabricated houses. (…) It [primitive architecture] plainly reflects forms of living that have persisted over time and that are deeply rooted in human and cosmic conditions.” (Giedion 1953)
Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
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			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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			'text' => 'In the discussions surrounding building materials during the non-European modern age of architecture in the 1950s, there were different manners in which bricks and bamboo, clay and mud were negotiated. For one, as romantic remnants of a time best left in the past, in an almost melancholic nostalgia, these building materials are re-integrated as genuinely natural and vital materials.
In the 1950s, the development of the debates around architecture and city planning within the CIAM discourse (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) diverged from the functionalist notion of the home as a machine for living towards a naturalized notion of habitat; “a living atmosphere that provides favorable conditions for ‘prospering’ ought to be created.” (Giedion 1953)
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Unlike concrete and cement—in South Asia, for instance—even today brick production is still cheaper and more suited to the climatic conditions. Already in the 1950s, during the construction of Chandigarh, the notion of a modern architectural universalism is set in contrast to the use of regional and local materials. With their practices and methods, artisans and construction workers were an integral component of an architectonic modernity evident in Chandigarh; these practices and materials become modern, that is to say, components of modernity, so that any attempt to relegate these practices to a realm of anachronistic and outdated tradition, which is seen as precisely the opposite of modernity, is bound to fail. 
Vikram and Aditya Prakash describe the emergence of a new structural form with the construction of Chandigarh, which they view in relation to the dualistic concept of modernity-tradition. In this phase, bricks, which had thus far been deemed “unworthy material,” became “real and noble” material.(1)This is analogous to Ranajit Guha’s analysis of the peasant insurgency in colonial India. Guha insists that the “peasant” was neither an anachronism nor a relic from a traditional past within a modernizing colonial world, but instead a true contemporary of colonialism and a fundamental component of the modernity that occurred during colonial rule in India. Unlike elitist and Marxist history-writing, Guha places “the rebellious peasant” in the field of the genuinely political, who – at least ideally – “appropriated and/or destroyed the insignia of his enemy’s power and hoped thus to abolish the marks of his own subalternity.” (Guha, 1983, p. 74; cf. Chakrabarty 2010). The peasant who had been exploited by colonial capitalism and defied it was only traditional insofar as that his roots could be traced back to pre-colonial times; he was by no means archaic in the sense of anachronistic or pre-modern. (cf. Guha 1988a:4)
In their project to produce a genealogy of the peasant as citizen in contemporary political modernity, “subaltern studies” simultaneously undermine any teleological theories that are based on stages and rest upon simple (chrono- and spatial-political) dualisms, e.g. tradition-modernity, archaic-contemporary, regional-universal.
The construction praxis in communist China during the 1950s must also be viewed against the background of this matrix. Here, too, despite the intensive building activities related to the industrial construction of the country, the millennia-old tradition of building with bricks was by no means questioned or abandoned in favor of pre-fabricated modes of production. As Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky reported after her visit in 1956, China had at its disposal a sufficient workforce and shifting to industrial standardization would, by comparison, be too costly. (cf.Schütte-Lihotzky 2003: 59)
In general, the discourse on architecture and city planning in China at the time were primarily shaped by questions of economic viability. Beginning with the anti-waste campaign (1953), which, among other things, resulted in the abandonment of the traditional Chinese overhanging roof forms, the economic measures of the “Great Leap Forward” became the dominant parameter for construction and planning activities. The limited resources, which were also always running short, led to policies that propagated a turn towards traditional, easy and cheaply available local materials and modes of production. Brick formats were rationalized and mixed with grass or ground-up cane, and brick bonding was adapted to the point that a third less bricks were necessary for masonry of the same proportion. Finally, residential buildings with walls made out of tamped earth were built here and there. (c.f. Rowe/Zhang/Lue)
During this time, bamboo was rediscovered as a building material. In spring 1958, a conference was held on local design techniques, which then toured the country as a national exhibition and presented several examples of experimental practices using bamboo. In this sense, bamboo was given a more prominent role, whereas before it had mainly been used for furniture and scaffolding—the latter played a central role in the construction of Chandigarh—and was used by Xia Changshi and his environmentally-friendly architecture in Southern China, as his concrete structures were reinforced with bamboo.
Even if—as outlined above—the production and use of traditional, regional building materials is primarily economically motivated, the question remains if, in the specific case of Chandigarh, the uprisings of the so-called rural population during the early stages of construction in 1949 can be connected to the later use of certain practices and materials?(2) Can the use of bricks not be attributed to environmentally-friendly construction, cheap production and a regionalist discourse, but instead be seen as an outcome of the struggles in and around Chandigarh? Is it a question of appropriation through craft or is resistant craft being appropriated?(3) 
(MH+JK+CL)


(1) “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble. Boulder stone masonry in its rough form functioned as a foil to the brickwork.” In: Prakash, Aditya/ Vikramaditya. Photo by Navneet Saxena. „Chandigarh. The City Beautiful“ Abi Prints & Publishing Co., New Delhi. 1999. P. 23.
(2) “Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City” by Kavita Sharma, Chitleen K Sethi, Meeta and Rajivlochan. Chandigarh Goverment Press, 1999. P. 26: “The people’s resistance to displacement was formalised in the anti-Rajdhani (note: Rajdhani: lit. capital) committee that was formed in 1948. The anti-Rajdhani committee had promised the government to launch a satyagraha involving over 30,000 people all over the state to stop the construction of Chandigarh. It does not seem as if this massive agitation ever took off the ground. What did was a series of protest actions at the village level involving the local people. (...) Yet the agitation was fairly influential. Not much work could be done between 1948 and 1951 (...) because of the agitation by the local villagers. People would not allow the survey of ground water or the construction of sheds from where the engineers might function.” 
(3) ibid. P .23: “That precisely is the point: a negligible number of the original villagers have integrated well with the middle class ethos of Chandigarh. Those of them who were not thrown out of the Chandigarh region altogether still live in the villages on the periphery, providing services of being involved in small time business activity.”


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "Living: High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: Marg-Pathway, Issue 15/01/1961. 26-31.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2010): Europa als Provinz. Perspektiven postkolonialer Geschichtsschreibung. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag.
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.
Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency on Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Guha, Ranajit (1988): "On some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India." In: Guha, Ranajit/Spivak, /Gayatri Chakravorty (Eds.): Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. 37-43.
Junhua, Lue/ Rowe, Peter G/ Jie, Zhang (Eds.) (2001): Modern Urban Housing in China. New York: Prestel München New York.
Prakash, Aditya / Prakash, Vikramaditya (2007): Chandigarh, the city beautiful. Chandigarh: Abhishek Publications.
Sharma, Kavita / Sethi, Chitleen K / Meeta / Rajivlochan (1999): Chandigarh Lifescape. Brief Social History of a Planned City. Chandigarh: Goverment Press. 
Zogmayer, Karin (Ed.)/ Schütte Lihotzky, Maragarete (2007): Milionenstädte Chinas, Bilder und Reisetagebuch einer Architektin (1958). Wien, New York: Springer.',
			'published' => '0000-00-00 00:00:00',
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			'title' => 'Constructing Chandigarh ',
			'lead' => 'Notes on who or what built/is building or constructed/is constructing Chandigarh? ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“On the manual labor of men, women, and children ‘as innumerable as ants’ with the leisurely aid of miniature donkeys and scorning the impatient hustle of machinery, the city is slowly taking form. The same old crazy scaffolding bamboo, tied with bits of strings, astonishingly gives birth to structures of sublime grace and impressive solidity.” (In: Von Moos 2010) 
After the partition, around 30,000 construction workers built Chandigarh as Punjab’s new capital, with around 5,000 working on the construction site at a time. Half of them were children and women. Though Chandigarh was meant to represent the modern city of the age of industrialization, it was built by hand; manpower cost less than machine power, it included women-power, child-power, and donkey-power. (Chowdhury, 1963) Many photographs of Chandigarh traveled around the world. The image of the ‘working woman’ became quite popular in the context of Chandigarh, even more so recently when Ernst Scheidegger’s photographs from 1956 were published. Construction sites in general were very popular for the idea of the future and modernity, as “the very idea of ‘reconstruction’ called forth the hopes of architectural modernity. Where the war had hit, however, utopian city concepts had little chance of being enacted anywhere immediately after 1945 (...).” (Von Moos 2010:55) 
Manual modes of production and their aesthetic became significant for Chandigarh. According to Aditya Prakash, one of the architects in the Chandigarh team, and Vikramaditya Prakash, an architect and architectural critic, the status of building materials was improved in the construction of Chandigarh: “In Chandigarh, the innate expression of every building material was studied. As a consequence, brick, which was considered to be an unworthy material, was expressed ‘truthfully’ and became noble.” (Prakash 1999: 23) Le Corbusier took responsibility for the overall master plan of the city and the design of some of the major public buildings including the High Court, Assembly, Secretariat, the Museum and Art Gallery, School of Art, and the Lake Club. Most of the other housing was done by Le Corbusier’s cousin Pierre Jeanneret, and Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, along with a team of nine Indian architects: M.N. Sharma, A.R. Prabhawalkar, B.P. Mathur, Piloo Moody, Eulie Chowdhury, N.S. Lamba, Jeet Malhotra, J.S. Dethe, and Aditya Prakash. Bricks were used as the main building material to construct houses. Concrete was much too expensive and was only used in parts of the houses (for the frame) and the Capitol Complex.
“The cheapest material in Chandigarh is brick. It costs about Rs. 28/- per thousand. Concrete and stone cost three or four times as much. Glazing and wood work cost 7 times more per square foot of wall than the same area in brick. This fact has an immediate and visible effect on the architecture of Chandigarh. Brick is used not only as a bearing wall but also for parapets, balustrades, sun-breakers and even furniture. Sometimes, face-brick is used but often brick is plastered as this permits inferior grades to be utilised, thus reducing cost.” (Chowdhury 1961) 
In 1954 regional practices were exhibited at the UN housing conference in New Delhi to study regional low-cost housing. But still, Chandigarh was meant to grow a middle class. Housing wasn’t provided for the construction workers. According to Madhu Sarin, the self-built houses became slums around 1959, when “the planners started thinking: they are going to come and spoil our beautiful plan because they are trying to squat on what is going to become valuable land.” (Sarin 1991) 
Discourses and models of modern planning debates formed the outlines of Chandigarh: neighborhood unit, tropical architecture, houses for the masses, etc. As a result, Chandigarh constitutes an examination room where the transition and the continuity from colonial to postcolonial methodology is exemplified in architecture and planning. According to Arif Dirlik, the physical planning of architecture, urban, and rural regions is a colonial practice par excellence. Projects like Chandigarh, which can be seen in a colonial continuity of ‘experiment’ and ‘laboratory’, became part of ‘developing regimes’ in the era of decolonization and state and nation building. The colonial category of “civilization” turns into bio-political “development.” Institutionalization and bureaucratization constitute categories that need to be improved, modernized, and developed further. In the case of Chandigarh, the concept of the colonial laboratory is opposed to systems of education. 
(MH)


Sources:
Chowdhury, U.E. (1961): "High Cost Housing and Interiors." In: MARG-Pathway. Chandigarh. Issue XV/1 (Reprint, 1998). 
Dirlik, Arif (2007): "Architecture of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places." In: Lee, Sang/ Baumeister, Ruth. 2007 : The Foreign and the Domestic in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 
Drew, Jane B. (1963): "Indigenous Architecture: Architecture in the Tropics." In: Perspecta, Issue 8. 57-58
Mathur, Saloni (2011): "Charles and Ray Eames in India." In: Art Journal, Issue 70/1. 34-53
Prakash, Aditya/Vikramaditya (1999): Chandigarh. The City Beautiful. New Delh: Abi Prints & Publishing Co.. 
Sarin, Madhu (1982): Urban planning in the Third World: the Chandigarh experience. London: Mansell.
Sarin, Madhu (in Interview 1991) (1993): "Beyond the Margins of Planning, Interview with Madhu sarin, December 1991, Chandigarh." In: ANQ. Architecture and Natura quarterly: Chandigarh. Forty years after Le Corbusier.
Von Moos, Stanislaus (2010): Chandigarh 1956. Zürich: Scheidegger & Spiess. 





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