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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
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In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
			'lead' => 'A high-modernist building typology ',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
			'lead' => 'A high-modernist building typology ',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
			'lead' => 'A high-modernist building typology ',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
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Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
			'lead' => 'A high-modernist building typology ',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'title' => 'North Africa',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
			'lead' => 'A high-modernist building typology ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'title' => 'Learning From The Vernacular',
			'lead' => 'The discourse on architecture without architects in the 1950s/1960s',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
			'published' => '2012-03-05 21:38:24',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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			'title' => 'Patio and Pavilion',
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			'text' => 'In 1956, during the famous “This was Tomorrow” exhibition at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in London, Alison and Peter Smithsons created the “Patio and Pavilion“ area together with the artists Nigel Henderson and Eduardo Paolozzi. As Ben Highmore argues, the “Patio and Pavilion” was not just an installation of different objects, materials, and panels but a “conglomeration of references.” For Highmore, the “Patio and Pavilion” installation was “enough like a house in an Algerian bidonville, enough like a shed in Bethnal Green, enough like a post-nuclear ruin, enough like a rural dwelling, enough like a smashed-up shop, enough like an ur-form dwelling. (...) But it was also enough not like previous architectural pavilions, enough not like a celebration of consumerism.” In the images of the Patio and Pavilion section many “found” and “poor” materials are displayed and a shack/shelter/hut is installed and fenced in by a precarious wood wall. As Highmore suggests, this installation of different objects had multiple references to architectural and artistic debates of that time. Another reference for the Smithsons’ installation was the profane aesthetics of everyday life in a contemporary existence.

The installation also referred to the many self-built shelters that were part of the urban fabric in the early years after WWII, even in cities like London or Paris. Moreover, the Smithons had been participants of the 9th CIAM Congress and witnessed the discussions around the urban projects in Morocco and Algeria in which analysis of the houses by slum dwellers was the center of interest. These studies marked a shift in post-war modern building approaches as the self-built environments of the shantytown dwellers were presented as a teaching model to understand the interrelation of the public and the private. The Moroccan bidonvilles studies of the Gamma Group for the 9th CIAM Congress generated in Casablanca had results in new building programs. The 8x8 modernist patio house grid developed in Casablanca by Michael Ecochard was based on a European analysis of Moroccan habitats and on the concept of the U.S. neighborhood unit and therefore included streets and infrastructure. A single patio house in this grid consisted of two or three rooms and a patio. Using a variety of combinations, it was designed to be flexible enough to eventually accommodate the creation of other types of housing (individual or collective), states the architectural historian Catherine Blain. The patio house allowed the possibility to “grow” through usage. This modernist patio house model applied by the French Protectorate in Morocco proved its capacity for constructing “different types of housing corresponding to different standards of living” like in Rabat (Yacoub El Mansour district), Port-Lyautey (cleaning up a slum), Casablanca (Ain Chock, Carrieres Centrales, Ben M’sik district).

The reference to both the modernist pavilion and the patio in the title of the 1956b Whitechapel installation of Alison and Peter Smithsons thus represents an emerging discourse of the mid fifties. The courtyard or patio house was also an important planning issue in the new town planning of Chandigarh in India. On the one hand argued as a sanitary tool for bringing fresh air in the house, on the other hand as a culturally specific typically ‘Indian’social space. Patio structures were also very common in the urban planning of the Middle East, such as in Israel’s Development Towns that were built in the late 50s and early 60s. The Israeli modernist patio houses again suggested a regional and climate sensitive approach, a situated modernism, as Alona Nitzan-Shiftan describes it. A famous housing project in Be’er Sheva called "The Carpet Neighborhood” also known as the “Model Neighborhood” consists in part of a patio grid structure similar to the Casablanca patio grid. One important architect and planner here was Nahum Zolotov. He was part of the steering committee for the Model Neighborhood in Be’er Sheva and responsible, along with Daniel Havkin, for planning and building the Carpet settlement. Artur Glikson and Ariel Sharon articulated important conceptual ideas on these model programs, as they were involved in the international debates around the concept of “Habitat” and the discourse around vernacular modernism. Also when Margarete Schütte Lihotzky traveled to China in 1956, she did an in depth study of the traditional courtyard houses, the Siheyuan. One year later her architect friend Werner Hebebrand published a proposal for a new model housing settlement based on the traditional yards in the German Werkbund magazine. That same year the national housing competition in China marked a shift away from the Soviet model of multi-storied row housing and a conscious shift towards local conditions. (MvO / MH /CL)



Sources:

Çelik, Zeynep (2003): „Learning from the Bidonville: CIAM Looks at Algiers.“ In: Harvard Design Magazine, Feb. 2003. 476-479.

Blain, Catherine: „Team 10, the French Context.“ <http://www.team10online.org/research/papers/delft2/blain.pdf>

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca, le roman d’une ville. Paris: Ed. de Paris. 105.

Highmore, Ben (2006): „Rough Poetry: Patio and Pavilion Revisited.“ In: Oxford Art Journal  Issue 29/ 2006. 269-290.

Lichtenstein, Claude/ Schregenberger,Thomas (2001): As Found: The Discovery of the Ordinary: British Architecture and Art of the 1950s. Zurich: Lars Müller Publishers.

Eleb, Monique (2000): „An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  Seizing Jerusalem: Architecture as Cultural Politics 1967-1977. ???? eventuell das:??????Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona  (2007): „Seizing locality in Jerusalem.“ In: Sufian, Sandra/LeVine Mark (Eds.): Reapproaching borders: new perspectives on the study of Israel-Palestine. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tyrwhitt, Jaqueline (1954): Report on the seminar on Housing and Community Planning: by Jaqueline Tyrwhitt given to the UN. 1954. Archive School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi.

Wright, Gwendolyn (1991): The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ',
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			'text' => 'In the western and non-western architectural practices of the 1950s and 1960s, cultural expressions and techniques, which had hitherto not been regarded as modern but as pre-modern, were assiduously studied by architects and planners. One path of this movement was to “learn from” vernacular architecture, to acknowledge the pre-industrial city as well as dwelling practices of nomadism as major influences for new methods of design and planning. Vernacular practices of dwelling and building were described in the spirit of structuralism as “essentially human” and simultaneously as “evolutionary,” as a way to “become modern”. Such references are to be found in the influential exhibitions Mostra Di Architettura Spontanea by Giancarlo de Carlo in Milan 1951 and This Is Tomorrow with the involvement of Alison and Peter Smithson at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in 1956 or in the famous show Architecture Without Architects by Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMa in New York in 1964. 



Theoretical writings followed like the influential book The Matrix of Man by Sibyl Moholy-Nagy published in 1968. In the writings and projects of the Swiss architect André Studer in North Africa, this concept of a new synthesis between the modern and the pre-modern can be found even more than ten years earlier. His housing complex Sidi Othman, built in 1952 on the outskirts of Casablanca, reflected these concepts. The building complex was embedded in the larger expansion plan of Casablanca designed by the Service de l’ Urbanisme, which was led by the architect and urban planner Michel Ecochard. Another path of this post-war modernism engaged with the locus of anti-colonial liberation movements – the bidonvilles – and from there drafted a new perspective that focused on dwelling practices and hence was critical of previous modern approaches to dwelling. As a dwelling environment, the bidonvilles was not only the locus of the first encounters and negotiations with the modern city for a lot of people coming from rural areas, above all it was also the spatial expression of a non-planned way of organizing an urban environment. European architects like George Candilis and Shadrach Woods declared the bidonvilles a subject of study and investigated this environment in an anthropological manner. They ‘learned’ from the inhabitants of the bidonvilles how everyday dwelling practices enabled an urban neighborhood through self-organization. This line of architectural debate recognized the self-built environment in the colonial city as valuable housing practices from which European planners would need to learn. The studies in Casablanca or John Turner’s similar studies on self-built housing in the shanty towns of Peru influenced a generation of non-plan architects as well as participatory planning strategies. 



Moreover, non-western architects and urbanists of the era of decolonization created new adaptations and methodologies of the modern movement, some directly on the ground of colonial modern town planning in Africa or South America. Architects like Elie Azagury, Patrice de Mazieres, Abdeslem Faraoui, Yona Friedman, Yasmeen Lari, Moshe Safdie, and many others developed approaches and perspectives that related to the colonial condition of the city and local climate and dwelling practices. As the architecture historian Udo Kultermann argues, who published Neues Bauen in Afrika in 1963, the process of decolonization not only changed the former colonized world, but also questioned the western hegemony of universal planning methodologies. (MvO)



Sources:

Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): “Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X.” In: O'Reilly , William (Ed.): Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity. Lausanne:Comportements. 22-56.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart: K. Krämer.

Kultermann, Udo (1963): Neues Bauen in Afrika. Tübingen: E. Wasmuth. 

Robert Oxman , Hadas Shadar u. Ehud Belferman, «Casbah: a brief history of a design concept», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2002, Bd. 6, H. 4, S. 321-336. Hadas Shadar, «Vernacular values in public housing», in: Architectural Research Quarterly, Cambridge 2004, Bd. 8, H. 2, S. 171-181.

Scott, Felicity (2000): „Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.“ In: Ed. Goldhagen Sarah Williams/ Legault, Réjean (Eds.): Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.  

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press.

Marion von Osten, «Learning from... » in: Haus der Kulturen der Welt (Hg.), In der Wüste der Moderne. Koloniale Planung und danach (Taz-Beilage zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung), Berlin 2008, S. 3.',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Primitivism in Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The Orient and Ferroconcrete',
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			'text' => 'The habitat debate of the 1950s is steeped in several assumptions from the repertoire of colonial worldview. As the colonial era draws to an end, texts by Siegfried Giedion, such as "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat" (1953) and "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach" (1954), rekindle a number of motives from colonial thought. In conjunction with the established need for a new approach to planning and construction that was oriented towards the social group and aimed to create a comfortable living atmosphere that would facilitate active participation in a "vita communis," the architect's eye scanned the planet in search of models that could serve to achieve the aim of the profession: integrating the individual into a community. After the ideal of progress bowed out and modern Western rationalism was put in its place, the emphasis shifted toward the architect's "social imagination," toward empathy for people's needs. This new empathy is directed in particular at non-Western societies, at so-called "remote peoples and cultures."
The contrast between the West and "primitive peoples" is constructed along the lines of a binary opposition. In addition to the tendency to generalize non-Western societies in opposition to the West, which stands in contradiction to the idea of New Regionalism, another issue that arises is the outdated topos that assumes non-European cultures to be ahistorical. Here, the "natural rhythm of life" that these peoples have had "since the dawn of time" stands in contrast to the progressive West. 
Giedion acknowledges the global dominance of Western thought and criticizes the wake of destruction left behind by European expansion. Therefore, he deems it important to reestablish connections with these "primitive and Eastern people," in order for "both mentalities to meet [...] to find common ground between the Orient and reinforced concrete" (Giedion on Le Corbusier's Capitol of Chandigarh in the text "Social Imagination")
What Giedion sees in the "remote peoples and cultures" at the height of decolonization is not people who are fighting for independence, but people who are in need of help on their way to modernity. To save them from venturing down the wrong path, another classic topos is brought into play: the accusation of mimicry. This charge can be found in denigrating portrayals of the "dangerous desire to mimic [the West]" (bicycles in West Africa, electronics shops in Baghdad, Coca Cola outside of Babylon). "While we are attuned nowadays to employing all of these things in good measure, in the eyes of 'technically undeveloped countries,' they remain unfulfilled desires."
In order to counter such globalization tendencies, Giedion invokes the aesthetic dignity of the primitive, which (as in the hut in Cameroon), even under the most precarious living conditions, such as those in the bidonvilles, finds expression in the "primitive's innate desire for adornment.” (See Adolf Loos on the ornament; found all across modern architecture theory is the misconception, regardless if it is seen as something positive or negative, that an inherent relation exists between primitiveness and a need for adornment.) It is the architect's duty to preserve this latent "power of the primitive," which corresponds to the links made between modernity and the immediacy of "primitive" forms of expression in 20th century painting. The manner in which modern art is validated through constructing it as having an affinity to the "primitive" is comparable with the way that specific forms, such as the bidonvilles, are featured in the habitat debate as being representative of the "innate empathy" of "remote peoples" for community and living spaces. This means that while (Western) architects ought to take a lesson from the creative power of the "randomly formed native quarters,” Giedion's analysis of these structures also brings to light the unconscious employment of the modulor’s proportions. (CK)

Sources:
Giedion, Siegfried (1958): "Aesthetics and the Human Habitat (first published in 1953)." In: Giedion, Siegfried: Architecture You and Me. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Giedion, Siegfried (1954): "The State of Contemporary Architecture I: The New Regional Approach." In: Architectural Record, Issue January/1954. 132-37. 
Giedion, Sigfried (1953): “Habitat” zum 9. CIAM Kongress” GTA Zürich: 43-T-15-1953-9.',
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