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			'title' => 'North Africa',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'title' => 'North Africa',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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		'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
		'note' => '',
		'created' => '2010-04-10 22:03:42',
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in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
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			'title' => 'North Africa',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'French architect and urban planner in colonial and post-colonial Africa and the Middle East',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
			'lead' => '',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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			'title' => 'Michel Ecochard',
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			'text' => 'Michel Ecochard graduated from the Ecole des Beaux Arts Paris in 1929. He was influenced by the modernist ideas of industrialized construction and the studies of vernacular architecture around the Mediterranean Sea, initiated by August Perret in Paris. In 1930, only in his twenties, Ecochard started his first public works in Damascus, Syria under colonial rule. He was part of a French reconstruction team that restored the Temple of Bel in Palmyra, the Mosque of Bosrah, and the Azem Palace, that had become property of the French. His first work as an architect in the colonies is the Museum of Antioch, in which he started to translate historical Syrian architecture elements into the vocabulary of modernist aesthetics. In his later town planning work in the city center of Damascus he integrated the idea of the protection of historical monuments. In 1943 he worked on the first master plan for Beirut. 



After the war, Ecochard participated with Le Corbusier, among others, in a study trip to the USA. He became a member of the CIAM, and he was commissioned by the UN for a housing study in Pakistan in 1946. Afterwards he was appointed head of the planning department “Service de l’ Urbanisme” in Morocco by the French protectorate. Here he led a huge urbanization program for Casablanca including layouts and research for a settlement for more residents. He established a zoning plan with high and low-density residential areas and defined traffic and communication axes like the Rabat-Casablanca highway. The most important part of his work was low-cost housing for Moroccan factory workers. A plan for a minimum residential unit, synthesizing fast industrial principles of construction with vernacular elements, was the so-called patio house. 



He, like many other French architects and engineers, left Morocco in 1952 during the first general strikes and uprisings of the anti-colonial movement in Casablanca to settle in Paris. Later on he worked in Lebanon, Pakistan, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Kuwait. In Beirut in 1955, he and another French architect, Claude Lecoeur, designed the College Protestant on Marie Curie Street as well as the Grand Lycée Franco-Libanais (1960), and the Sacra Coeur hospital in Hazmieh (1961). His plan for the University Centre of Sciences and Health in Yaoundé (Cameroon) groups many buildings on the same site, such as a university campus, hospital, reception, and family planning center. The National Museum of Kuwait and the Museum of Mohenjo-daro on the Indus in Pakistan were his last projects shortly before he died in 1985.(MvO)



Sources:

Abdulac, S. (1982): "Damas : les années Ecochard (1932-1982) ". Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, n°11. 32-44. 

Bradel, V. (1986): Michel Écochard (1905-1985), Bureau de la recherche architectural/Institut français d’architecture.

Cantacuzino, S. (1985): Azem Palace. In: Cantacuzino, Sherban (Ed.): Architecture in Continuity. New York: Aperture.

Cohen,.J-L / Eleb, M. (2002): Casablanca - Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: The Monacelli Press.

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Casablanca ou Le Roman d'une ville. Editions de Pars. 

Ecochard, Michel (1955): Les bains de Damas,  Vol 1 and 2, Institute Francaise, 1943

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "Karachi University."  In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

Ecochard, Michel (1980): "The National Museum of Kuwait." In: Safran, Linda (Ed.): Places of Public Gathering in Islam. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture.XX

de Mazieres, N.  (1985): "Homage."In:  Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre 1. 22-25.

E. Verdeil, Michel Ecochard in Lebanon and Syria (1956-1968). The spread of Modernism, the Building of the Independent. States and the Rise of Local professionals of planning, published in "European Association of Urban History, 12th Conference, Lyon : France (2008)" 



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			'title' => 'The Housing Grid by Michel Ecochard',
			'lead' => 'Modernist Patio Houses in Morocco',
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			'text' => 'In Casablanca, Michel Ecochard, director of the Morocco Department of Urban Planning (1946-1952), developed a specific urban planning concept. 

Knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was a prerequisite to the plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into reality’. Ecochard used sociological and building surveys to investigate ‘human groups’ in “all of their daily realities, as well as cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies.” To construct ‘Housing for the Greatest Number’ of the colonized factory workers, Michel Ecochard established a Housing Grid as the main planning instrument for new urban neighborhoods that replaced the numerous bidonvilles from the late 1940s to the mid 1950s. In order to construct ‘housing for the greatest number’ for the colonized factory workers – mostly migrants from rural areas, the Ecochard Grid was dimensioned according to a courtyard dwelling typology, believed to be the appropriate Habitat adapté for the future inhabitants, the former bidonvilles dwellers. His so-called ‘Housing Grid for Muslims’ measured 8 by 8 meters and consisted of two rooms and a large outdoor space, related to the Arabic Patio. Part of the ensuing 64 m2 was organized as a so-called neighborhood unit, resulting in an intricate ground-level structure of patio-dwellings, alleys, and public squares. 

The Ecochard Grid is a very special example of transcultural modernism that was specifically developed in the European colonies. On one hand, Ecochard tried to study the Arabic house and its function, but he also adapted the grid structure and the neighborhood unit concepts by Stein and Perry for his Casablanca low-rise scheme. Moreover, the discourses and practices of the industrialization of building as well as the houses for Existenz Minimum are articulated in these structures. Implemented until 1984, the Ecochard Grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East. (MvO)



Scources:

Avermaete, Tom. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi, 2005.

Cohen, Jean-Louis and Monique Eleb. Casablanca: Colonial Myth and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press, 2002.

Eleb, Monique. “An Alternative Functionalist Universalism: Ecochard, Candilis and ATBAT-Afrique.” In Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 55-74. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 200



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			'title' => 'Neighbourhood Unit',
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			'text' => 'A neighborhood unit is an urban concept developed by Clarence Perry promoting the decentralization of cities into foremost suburban residential subunits with the optimum size of a school district. Against the backdrop of the congested industrial metropolis in the US in the early 20th century, the neighborhood unit proposes a community-driven social structure of a “village type community”.  

The main objective of the NU is the creation of a sound residential environment enhancing public life and social activities among its residents. As explained by Perry, the most effective size of an NU is 160 acres, and arterial roads act as a “natural boundary” at the borders, giving easy access to motorists while streets inside the NU are exclusively for local traffic. Pedestrian routes should cross as few roads as possible in order to create a safe environment of short distances for school children. Also integral to the concept are a number of playgrounds, a central common green, institutional sites (a civic center or church), shopping malls to be located at the borders of the area, a system of small parks, and sports facilities to be stewarded by volunteer associations. The NU is planned and divided into zones to best meet the requirements and needs of child-rearing families, while avoiding the misfits of the metropolis such as overcrowding, bad sanitary conditions, not enough sunlight and ventilation, and housing as a mere consumer good. 
Human scale, the careful layout of the residential environment, and quality of architecture, as well as extensive planting are considered essential planning tools and factors. The size of 160 acres provides its residents with an optimum density, walkable distances of maximum half a mile to the center (school), and a rational land division in accordance with the qualities and features of the site. An area of 160 acres allows each NU to develop its own character while being a good size to be managed and maintained as well as able to foster an ethical and healthy social community and the formation of voluntary organizations. 
Within the ideal model community, institutional sites such as schools, libraries, and sports facilities are shared spaces, and after dark or during weekends are used by the local residents’ clubs and associations. 

In course of the 20th century, the NU scheme became a leading tool in town planning not only in the US, where it was first applied  to the designs for Sunnyside gardens and Radburn, New Jersey by Henry Wright and Clarence Stein, but was also adopted by the British Housing Manual in 1944 and used for the master plan of Casablanca, the development town planning of cities like Be’er Sheva, Ashqelon, and Migdal, Israel and in Corbusier’s Chandigarh, India, as well as in Canberra, Australia, the Soviet Union, China under Japanese colonial rule in 1937 (Datong Plan), and later under Socialist rule. (CL/MvO)

Sources:
Chaouni, Aziza (2010): “Depolitizing Group Gamma: Contesting Modernity in Morocco.” In: Lu, Duanfang (ed.) Third World Modernism: Architecture, Development and Identity. London:Taylor & Francis.
Lu, Duanfang (2006): Remaking Chinese urban form: Modernity, scarcity and space, 1949 – 2005. London [et.al.]: Routledge.
Perry, Clarence (1929): “The neighbourhood unit”. In: The Regional survey of New York and its environs: Volume VII: Neighbourhood and community planning. Routledge: London.




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			'title' => 'Habitat',
			'lead' => 'The unwritten Charta',
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			'text' => 'The term “habitat” first appeared as in Carl von Linnés’ Systema Naturae (1735), which laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature as a structuring principle of the taxonomy of the living world. A habitat usually denotes the environment in which a reproductive population of organisms can live, occupying a special space between species and individual organic entity. Michel Foucault’s almost unknown book, Politiques de l’habitat (1800–1850) from 1977 analyzes the habitat as part of the spatial politics of medicine in the first part of the nineteenth century as a tool of normalization. In an interview that preceded the new edition of Bentham’s Panopticon text, Foucault argues that the organization of space, especially architecture in the eighteenth century, became explicitly connected to the “problems of population, health, and the town planning ... a whole history of spaces – which would be at the same time a history of powers – remains to be written, from the grand strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat, institutional architecture from the classroom to the design of hospitals, passing via economic and political institutions ... anchorage in space is an economic-political form which needs to be studied in detail.” (Elden 2007)Within the CIAM context, Le Corbusier brought up the term “habitat” for the first time when he gave an introductory speech at CIAM 7 in Bergamo, claiming he would develop a Charter of Habitat without further explanation what this charter might be. (Mumford 2000: 192) In this context Le Corbusier developed a presentation tool, the grid system. The goal of the CIAM Grid was to present and compare different modern town planning projects according to the CIAM categories: living, working, transport, and leisure. At the next CIAM 8 in Hoddesdon, which was themed “the heart of the city,” the Dutch Opbouw Group suggested an outline of principles for the Habitat Charter. However, two congresses were solely dedicated to the Habitat and the formulation of the charter. One of these, in Aix en Provence in 1953, was the largest of all CIAM congresses, while the other was a  major interjectional meeting in 1952 in Sigtuna, Sweden with more than 250 members in attendance. Nevertheless, over a period of 10 years the CIAM members  were unable to reach a consensus about what form and nature the Habitat should be. This failure ultimately led to the final breakup of the organization in 1959. One of the first triggers for a conflict was the question of how the French term habitat should be translated into English and German, as it meant both the living conditions of any creature and “dwelling” or “settlement.” A second debate was directed at the content of the idea of the Habitat. “The Habitat is clearly an element of living space – Corbu is not sure if ‘urbanisme’ is the correct word – but how it should be organized with the other elements is less and less clear. [...]” (Mumford 2000: 218) At the 1952 Sigtuna meeting it was documented that the focus of the Habitat was to be directed at the everyday space in which both families and working women live, and that it was not restricted to the apartment, but extended to social commercial health, educational, and administrative services. (Mumford 2000: 219)In 1953 at CIAM IX in Aix-en-Provence, two grids had already caused disruption: the Habitat du Plus Grand Nombre Grid and the Bidonville Mahieddine Grid – both designed by architects who were active in North Africa. These studies no longer presented modern urban projects, but rather analyzed the bidonvilles of Casablanca and Algiers as fabrics of social practices. A third grid that attracted attention was the Urban Re-identification Grid by Alison and Peter Smithson, which analyzed, in a similar fashion, daily life in the working class neighborhood of Bethnal Green in London. This understanding of the built environment through the notion of social practice caused a radical shift in the modern movement’s conception of dwelling. The grids included not just quantitative but also qualitative methods. With this epistemological shift the younger generation tried to replace the earlier understandings of dwelling as a machine à habiter with the notion of Habitat. For Bodiansky, Candilis, and the Moroccan group, Habitat meant the idea of housing as an evolutionary, adaptive process, especially suited to local climate and technology, beginning with the provision of basic infrastructure and partially self-built housing and evolving – with an expected rising standard of living – toward more advanced housing solutions like  Le Corbusier’s Unité d´Habitation. The concept of Habitat emphasized the immediate surrounding of the dwelling, but the British group Mars objected to the idea of a universal charter based on the assumption that different societies and places display the same needs. Jaqueline Thyrwitt, Luis Sert, and Siegfried Giedeon met in Long Island for CIAM X and prepared a program consisting of the points below: “Walking radius as a universal problem; Means of expressing the connection and interaction between the human cell and the environment; Necessary degrees of privacy; Value of vertical integration of age groups; Advantages of compact planning versus continuous scatter; Relation of the Habitat to the core; Means of expressing this continuity with the past; Need for gaiety in the Habitat.” (Mumford 2000: 226)  Discussions on these topics were to result in a book including the finished charter. 
But a Charter of Habitat, similar to the Athens Charter, was never completed. After the end of CIAM as an organizational structure, these debates promulgated in a global exchange of planning ideas through direct and indirect connections with international organizations (eg. Ford Foundation, Delos Symposia) and led to the UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat 1976). After the dissolution of CIAM, Jaap Bakema, as a former member of the Dutch delegation of CIAM, established “The Post Box for the Development of Habitat” in 1960 to maintain international correspondence including ties with the UN and UNESCO. But in a report on CIAM 8 in 1951, a meeting that was attended by delegates from Japan for the first time (Tange and Kunio Maekawa), it was already noted that CIAM had been collaborating with the Housing Sub-Committee for the UN Economic Commission for Europe since 1947. The fact that the Charter of Habitat corresponded with UN concerns over housing problems arising from ‘the current needs of a growing population’ is evident from the many references made to this concern in CIAM discussions beginning in the early 1950s. Influences of CIAM’s habitat debates can be traced to Groupe d’Espace et de l’Architecture Mobile (GEAM), founded 1958, which reorganized in 1965 as the Groupe Internationale de l’Architecture Prospective (GIAP), and the Japanese Metabolists’ manifesto Metabolism 1960, for the World Design Conference in Tokyo. Sarah Deyong argues on the effect of the habitat debates: “Through their various teaching positions and invitations on the lecture circuit (Friedman, van Eyck, Bakema, Maki, Tange, and others all taught at several universities in the United States and in Europe, sometimes at the same time), they would influence an entire post-war generation of younger architects around the world, including the British Archigram Group, the students of Günther Feuerstein’s Clubseminars at the Technical University in Vienna, and the Italian ‘radicals,’ Archizoom and Superstudio.” (Deyong 2001: 123)Since the 1960s, new forms of spatial organization, such as those found in Safdie’s residential complex Habitat in Montreal, have been increasingly inspired by local building methods that were once considered pre-modern or traditional. Tourist resorts have also been influenced by the Habitat concept and its aesthetics. Other projects from this period, including Yasmeen Lari’s social housing development in Lahore, took into account the local population and their ways of dwelling. Sources:Elden, Stuart (2007): “Strategy, Medicine and Habitat: Foucault in 1976.” In: Jeremy Crampton/ Stuart Elden, Space, knowledge and power: Foucault and geography, Hampshire:Burlingtom. 67-81Deyong,Sarah (2001): Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement. The Journal of Architecture, Vol. 6, Issue 2/2001. 113-128Mumford, Eric (2000): The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: MIT Press. (CL, MvO)',
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