Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
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			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
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			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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$act = null
$aclass = 'nav-page'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
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			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
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			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

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			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
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			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
			'published' => '2012-03-05 21:46:54',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
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			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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		'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
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$subInset = '<div class="nav-page-empty"><div></div></div><div class="nav-page-empty"><div></div></div><div class="nav-page-empty"><div></div></div>'
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include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Warning (2): in_array() expects parameter 2 to be array, null given [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
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			'article_type_id' => '4',
			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'user_id' => '1',
			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '0',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Charts',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:33:57',
			'modified' => '2012-03-05 22:11:19'
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			'usergroup_id' => '0',
			'thread_type_id' => '5',
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			'title' => 'Blog',
			'abstract' => '',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-09-29 15:11:40',
			'modified' => '2011-03-07 20:07:28'
		),
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			'usergroup_id' => '4',
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			'title' => 'Logbook',
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$div = '<div class="nav-page" id="nav_page_39"><div>Charts</div></div>'
$act = null
$aclass = 'nav-page'
in_array - [internal], line ??
include - APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::_renderElement() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 1224
View::element() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 418
include - APP/View/Website/asset.ctp, line 4
View::_evaluate() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 971
View::_render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 933
View::render() - CORE/Cake/View/View.php, line 473
Controller::render() - CORE/Cake/Controller/Controller.php, line 968
Dispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 200
Dispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/Cake/Routing/Dispatcher.php, line 167
[main] - APP/webroot/index.php, line 107

Notice (8): Undefined variable: parent_thread_ids [APP/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp, line 60]
Code Context
                    $div .= '</div></div>';
                    
                    $act = in_array($pageThread['Thread']['id'], $parent_thread_ids);
$viewFile = '/home/httpd/vhosts/k3000.ch/transculturalmodernism.org/app/View/Elements/website/topnavigation.ctp'
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			'thread_type_id' => '4',
			'asset_repositoty' => '0',
			'title' => 'Website',
			'abstract' => 'Threads to store data for the Website…',
			'note' => '',
			'created' => '2010-04-10 22:03:42',
			'modified' => '2010-09-28 18:42:55'
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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
			'lead' => 'Shanty towns and urban planning in the 1950ties',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
			'lead' => 'a gaze on the vernacular ',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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			'title' => 'Bidonvilles',
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			'text' => 'Bidonvilles (can towns) built by their inhabitants out of canisters, arose on the outskirts of North African cities under French colonialism from the 1930s onwards. On one hand, these hut settlements were viewed by the colonial authorities as a reservoir of cheap labor. On the other, they were feared as a source of social unrest – just as in France, where hundreds of thousands of people had been living in such Bidonvilles since the Second World War.In the 1950s, anthropologists, sociologists, city planners, and modern architects became increasingly interested in the Bidonvilles of Africa and Europe. Studying the Bidonvilles in North Africa as a self-organized form of dwelling had a lasting effect on the global debate about architecture and urban planning. Nonetheless, these studies of residents’ everyday practices often led to grave misinterpretations. Architects not only approached pre-modern construction forms out of context but also ignored the colonial conditions under which they had been created. After all, the Bidonvilles are both an effect of colonial city planning, industrialization, and migration and an expression of a new urban form of spontaneous construction, which is also influenced by North African building practices in the old medina quarters.However, the Bidonvilles remained first and foremost important centers of the anti-colonial movement. The Bidonvilles of Casablanca brought forth both those who took to the streets to protest against the Protectorate and those who demonstrated against the government of independent Morocco. It was also in the Bidonvilles of the Parisian suburbs that the major demonstrations against the Algerian War were mobilized.(MvO)



Sources: 

Çelik, Zeynep (1997): Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hervo, Monique/ Charras, Marie-Ange (1971): Bidonvilles, l'enlisement.',
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			'title' => 'Architecture without Architects ',
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			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => '“Architecture without Architects” was the title of an influential exhibition by the architect Bernard Rudofsky at the MoMA in 1964; “Housing: An Anarchist Approach” was the name of a famous book by the English architect and anarchist Colin Ward, in which the author proclaims the rights and productivity of self-built housing and squatting in postwar Europe. Whereas the latter’s collection of essays discussed specific cases of European and Latin American squatter movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Rudofsky’s exhibition presented photographs of local vernacular architecture from all over the world, with the claim that architects should learn from “premodern architectural forms”. Both of these perspectives identify a condition that emerged during decolonization, in which a massive crack appeared in the modernist movement and its vision of top-down planning. Whereas Rudofsky’s approach suggested an aesthetical and methodological shift, Colin Ward’s was a political reading of spatial self-expressions that might offer new methodologies and an alternative understanding of society. But they were also two very different interpretations of the simple fact that, throughout the ages and around the world, architecture has been produced without the intervention of planners or architects.



Though housing programs since the 1950ties / 1960ties did take certain specific local, regional or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin by reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity, and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact.(MvO)



Sources:

Hughes, Jonathan and Simon Sadler. Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture. Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964.

Scott, Felicity. “Bernard Rudofsky: Allegories of Nomadism and Dwelling.” In: Anxious Modernisms Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, edited by Sarah Williams Goldhagen and Réjean Legault, 215-238. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000.

Ward, Colin. Housing: An Anarchist Approach. London: Freedom Press, 1973.

',
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			'title' => 'The Gamma Grid  ',
			'lead' => 'The CIAM grid 1953 by the Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953  – called GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains) – consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. 

The young GAMMA architects presented a detailed study of the daily life in the so-called Bidonvilles – the settlements where many of the newly arriving rural migrants lived in self- built huts. And the notable thing was not only that they considered the self-built environment of the bidonville as worthy of study, they even proposed that modern architects should take the opportunity to learn from it. The GAMMA group tried to get closer to a reality determined by the concrete conditions of daily life, of local specificities and small-scale interventions. This acceptance of the everyday life of the inhabitants and builders of the bidonvilles was a radical challenge to the abstract rational parameters of the earlier CIAM congresses, which would have considered this ad-hoc urbanism as a pre-modern phenomenon.



The intention of architects and urban planners that wanted to revise modern architectural and planning approaches by integrating knowledge on dwelling practices and habits into urban planning and architecture, was ambivalent, because ethnographic knowledge is ultimately based on specific production conditions – on conditions that might even lead to a fundamental epistemological ‘misrecognition’ (Appadurai 1996). This assumption is sound to the extent that colonialism creates an ‘ethnographic state’ (Dirks 2001), in other words: it subjugates the colonized on the basis of ethnographic knowledge. What is epistemologically misrecognized is rather the status of living conditions and the way the colonized live: instead of taking anthropological knowledge about the lifestyles of the colonized at face value, anthropology – including the anthropology of the ‘other’ modern – must itself be interpreted as an arena of colonial struggles. (Mudimbe 1998) 



Though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s did take certain specific local, regional, or cultural conditions into account when they were conceived, these conditions turned out to be much more complex after decolonization than previously thought. The many ways of appropriating space and architecture by people can also lead to the assumption that both colonialism and the postcolonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population. Another way of thinking about architecture without architects might begin with reflecting on the trajectories of colonial and global modernity and how people can make use of them today. The colonial contact zone, which, as James Clifford showed, was affected by concepts and practices of modernity, colonialism, and migration, is reformulated and adapted by minor daily practices, small in scale but globally massive in number and impact. (MvO)



Sources:

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996

Serhat Karakayali, «Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity», in: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali u. Marion von Osten (Hg.), Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future, London 2010, S. 16-32.

Mudimbe, V.Y.. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Paul Rabinow, French Modern. Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge.',
			'published' => '2012-03-05 21:46:54',
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			'title' => 'Team 10',
			'lead' => '',
			'abstract' => '',
			'text' => 'Team 10 was a group of architects who emerged from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). The group acquired the name Team 10 because they were charged with organizing the tenth congress at the ninth CIAM congress in the summer of 1953. The ninth CIAM Congress in the early 1950s ended in conflicts with representatives of the older generation such as Le Corbusier, Gropius, and Gideon. Team 10 criticized the functional separation between housing, work, leisure, and transport in urban planning called for in the pre-war Charter of Athens, propagating instead the interconnectedness of housing, street, district, and city. 



The context for this discussion was a presentation by the architects George Candilis and Shadrach Woods at the congress. There they introduced a grid, a sort of explanatory chart with pictures and text, in which they showed not new architectural or urban planning designs but a Boonville or shantytown that internal Moroccan migrants had erected on the outskirts of Casablanca. This shantytown was presented as a teaching model for the architects and town planners of the next generation. The young architects were also able to present their colleagues with a completely planned and realized building that they had constructed alongside the shantytowns in Casablanca as a sort of experimental structure for ‘Muslims’. This structure and the presentation of the so-called Gamma Grid had a lasting influence on the younger generation of architects worldwide, since modernism appeared here to have adapted to local climatic and ‘cultural’ conditions and abandoned its universalist path. The new ideas of Team 10 and their critique of the older generation ultimately led to the dissolution of the CIAM as an organization, and the members of Team 10 began to develop their projects and organized meetings independently up until the death of Jaap Bakema in 1981. (MvO)



“On this point we should be very clear, and therefore it is indispensable first of all to clarify the basic differences between planning ‘for’ the users and planning ‘with’ the users.” Giancarlo De Carlo (De Carlo 1992: 211) 



Scources: Baghdadi, Mustafa (1999): Changing Ideals in Architecture: From CIAM to Team X. In: (Hg.) William O'Reilly: Architectural Knowledge and Cultural Diversity, Lausanne.

Candilis, Georges (1978): Bauen ist Leben. Ein Architekten-Report. Stuttgart.

Mumford, Eric (2000): CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.

Smithson, Alison (1968): Team 10 Primer. Cambridge, Mass.

http://www.team10online.org/



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